The following is a transcript of this video.(See Bottom of Article)
Fyodor Dostoevsky is considered one of history’s greatest novelists, but he is also one of history’s greatest psychologists. His stories contain depictions of characters who span the spectrum of human personality, from those of abject evil, to those saintly in nature. Friedrich Nietzsche was so impressed with the works of Dostoevsky that in a letter to a friend he stated that Dostoevsky’s novels contain “the most valuable psychological material I know” (Friedrich Nietzsche, Letter to Georg Brandes). In this video we explore the life events that transformed Dostoevsky into a tortured genius and helped him attain his unmatched understanding of the human psyche.
In the first months of 1849, Dostoevsky, then 27 years old, was considered a writer who had not lived up to his early potential. Three years prior he had published the book Poor Folk which catapulted him to fame in the Russian literary scene. But his subsequent works were panned by critics and largely ignored by the public and by 1849 many saw him as washed-up. Dostoevsky’s career, however, had hardly started. In the decades that followed he would write some of history’s greatest works of fiction such as Crime and Punishment, The Brothers Karamazov, The Idiot, and Demons.
What transformed Dostoevsky from a writer of mediocre success, to one of the most famous authors of all time was a five-year descent into a personal hell. Dostoevsky was arrested, placed in solitary confinement, forced to endure a mock execution, and imprisoned in Siberia for four years where he lived in filth and squalor with criminals of the most depraved kind. This experience made Dostoevsky intimately familiar with both the darkest depths and the greatest heights of the human soul and it provided him with ample material for his stories.
The cause of Dostoevsky’s five years of misfortune began with his decision to join the Petrashevsky circle, a weekly social gathering named after its host. At these gatherings participants discussed the social and political ideas that were shaping Russia and Europe. By 1848 the number of people who attended the circle grew and it morphed into a sort of debate club. Dostoevsky, as a pathologically shy and socially awkward individual, spent more time listening to other people debating, than actively participating, or as he stated regarding his participation in the group:
“I am far from being a loudmouth, and everybody who knows me will say the same. I do not like to speak noisily and lengthily even with friends, of whom I have a very few, and still more in society, where I have the reputation of being an uncommunicative, reserved, unsociable person.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Cited in Joseph Frank, Dostoevsky: The Years of Ordeal, 1850-1859
At the time Dostoevsky joined the Petrashevsky circle these gatherings were not illegal. But in 1848, as revolutions broke out across Europe, Russia’s ruling class became nervous. Believing that European political and social ideas could initiate unrest in Russia, the Russian government began to clamp down on freedom of speech and adopted an increasingly censorious policy. The Petrashevsky circle was infiltrated by the secret police and in April of 1849 members of the group were rounded up and arrested. Dostoevsky was taken from his home in the middle of the night and locked away in the Peter and Paul Fortress where he was held in solitary confinement for six months awaiting sentence.
“When I found myself in the fortress, I thought that the end had come, and that I would not last three days…”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Cited in Joseph Frank, Dostoevsky: The Years of Ordeal, 1850-1859
Dostoevsky, however, quickly learned that he could adapt to the horrid conditions of a 19th century maximum security prison, and he discovered that as humans we possess untapped reservoirs of energy and an unrealized capacity for resilience. Most of us do not make use of these capacities unless fate forces our hand, but when it does, we discover that we can cope with challenges that far exceed what we previously believed to be possible. Or as Dostoevsky wrote in a letter from his prison cell:
“. . . a good disposition depends on myself alone. Man has infinite reserves of toughness and vitality; I really did not think there was so much, but now I know it from experience.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Letter to Mikhail Dostoevsky: July 18, 1849
In September of 1849, the Commission of Inquiry into the Petrashevsky circle completed its investigation. They concluded that the members of the circle “were in general notable for a spirit of opposition to the government, and a desire to alter the existing state of things.” (Report from The Commission of Inquiry into the Petrashevsky Circle). Dostoevsky and fourteen others were brought to Semenovsky Square in St. Petersburg where their sentence was announced: death by firing squad, to be met out immediately.
After hearing these words Dostoevsky believed he was minutes away from death. In a state of shock he turned to another of the condemned men and said “We shall be with Christ”, but the man, who was an atheist, smiled at Dostoevsky, pointed to the ground and said “a handful of dust.” Dostoevsky then experienced what he would later in life call a mystic terror, a description of which is found in his novel The Idiot where the character Prince Myshkin recounts a story about a man who believed he was five minutes away from death by execution:
“. . .he divided up the time that still remained for him to live; two minutes to say goodbye to his companions; two minutes for inward meditation one last time; and the remainder to look around him one final time. . .He was going to die at twenty-seven full of health and vigour. . . After saying goodbye, he began the period of two minutes reserved for inward meditation. He knew in advance what he would think about: he wished to focus his attention firmly, and as rapidly and clearly as possible, on what was going to happen: right now, he was existing and living; in three minutes something would occur; someone or something, but who, where? . . .Nearby rose a church whose golden cupola sparkled under a brilliant sun. . .he could not take his eyes away; those rays seemed to him to be that new nature that was to be his own, and he imagined that in three minutes he would become part of them… His uncertainty and his repulsion before the unknown, which was going to overtake him immediately, was terrible.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, The Idiot
The fifteen condemned men were lined up to be executed in groups of three. Dostoevsky was in the second group. When the first group was positioned in front of the firing squad a cart arrived delivering a letter from the Tsar commuting the death sentence. Dostoevsky, however, was not a free man, as his death sentence was replaced by a four-year sentence in a Siberian military prison camp. On returning to his cell in the Peter and Paul Fortress Dostoevsky wrote a letter to his brother describing how flirting with death had change him:
“When I look back on my past and think how much time I wasted on nothing, how much time has been lost in futilities, errors, laziness, incapacity to live; how little I appreciated it, how many times I sinned against my heart and soul – then my heart bleeds. Life is a gift, life is happiness, every minute can be an eternity of happiness! If youth only knew! Now, in changing my life, I am reborn in a new form.”
Letter to Mikhail Dostoevsky, 1849, Cited in Joseph Frank, Dostoevsky: The Years of Ordeal, 1850-1859
The relief Dostoevsky experienced soon turned to despair as he was shipped off to Siberia where he would spend the next four years of his life surrounded by criminals, living in horrid conditions, eating the meagerest of rations and spending his days toiling in hard labor. Dostoevsky noticed, however, that none of his fellow prisoners seemed disturbed by the filth and squalor in which they lived, and this led him to realize that one thing that defines man is his great ability to acclimate to even the harshest of conditions. Or as he wrote in Notes from a Dead House, which is an account of his life in prison:
“Man is a creature who gets use to everything, and that, I think, is the best definition of him.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
Dostoevsky found that one of the most exhausting elements of prison life was the constant presence of other people. No matter what he did, or where he went, he was always surrounded by inmates or guards. The inability to escape from the gaze of others drove home to Dostoevsky something those in freedom take for granted, namely the value of a solitary existence, or as he remarked:
“I could never have imagined, for instance, how terrible and agonizing it would be never once for a single minute to be alone for the years of my imprisonment.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
But while always physically surrounded by others, Dostoevsky’s four years of prison was a time of unending spiritual solitude. He was, in other words, very much psychologically alone and he never developed strong friendships. At first Dostoevsky found his psychological solitude to be a burden, but over time he recognized that this solitude had the power to initiate a radical self-transformation, or as he wrote:
“I remember that in all that time, despite having hundreds of fellow prisoners, I was in terrible solitude, and I finally came to love that solitude. Spiritually alone, I revisited all my past life, went through everything down to the smallest detail, pondered my past, judged myself alone strictly and implacably, and sometimes even blessed my fate for having sent me that solitude, without which neither that judgement of myself nor that strict review of my past life could have been done. . .I outlined a program for the whole of my future and resolved to follow it firmly. A blind faith arose in me that I would and could fulfil it all…I waited, I called for freedom to come quickly; I wanted to test myself anew, in a new struggle.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
Time in prison also taught Dostoevsky of man’s great capacity for evil. Not only was he forced to live with criminals of the most depraved sort, but observing the prison guards also taught him of the relationship between power and evil. Dostoevsky came to realize that when an individual is granted too much power over others, the inevitable result is cruelty. Many of the guards who worked at the prison camp were normal, decent men when they began their careers, but the power they possessed over the prisoners consumed them and warped their characters. In Notes from a Dead House Dostoevsky warned that those who are corrupted by the evil that arises from too much power and control over others rarely recover from this deformity, or as he wrote:
“A man who has once experienced this power, this unlimited lordship over the body, blood, and spirit of a man just like himself. . .a man who has experienced this power and the full possibility of inflicting the ultimate humiliation upon another being. . .somehow involuntarily loses control of his sensations. Tyranny is a habit; it is endowed with development, and develops finally into an illness. I stand upon this, that the best of men can, from habit, become coarse and stupefied to the point of brutality. Blood and power intoxicate: coarseness and depravity develop; the most abnormal phenomena become accessible and, finally, sweet to the mind and feelings. Man and citizen perish forever in the tyrant, and the return to human dignity. . .becomes almost impossible for him.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
It wasn’t only the dark side of man that Dostoevsky became familiar with in prison, he was also awakened to man’s boundless capacity for good. When he first entered prison Dostoevsky despised most of his fellow prisoners and looked down upon them. He saw little of worth in these criminals and as an educated member of the nobility, he doubted that the uneducated and often illiterate serfs he was forced to live with would have anything to teach him. This view, however, changed as over the years he learned that under the rough persona of some of these prisoners resided a greatness of character and an advanced moral integrity. Uneducated by way of book, these men were miles ahead of most others in terms of wisdom of world and particularly of the inner world of the psyche, or as Dostoevsky wrote:
“In prison it sometimes happened that you would know a man for several years and think he was a beast, not a man, and despise him. And suddenly a chance moment would come when his soul, on an involuntary impulse, would open up and you would see in it such riches, feeling, heart, such a clear understanding of his own and others’ suffering, as if your own eyes had been opened, and in the first moment you would not even believe what you saw and heard.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
Prison also made Dostoevsky acutely aware of man’s need for meaning and purpose. This awareness stemmed from his observation that almost all his fellow prisoners adopted some form of hobby or side-business to escape from the monotony of hard labor. Dostoevsky points out that these hobbies were technically outlawed, but prison officials looked the other way in the realization that if they rid the prisoners of these purpose and meaning giving activities, the prisoners would riot. Recognizing how crucial meaning and purpose is to psychological well-being Dostoevsky suggested that if you wanted to drive a man mad, or force him to take his own life, all you have to do is compel him to spend his days labouring in some form of pointless work, such as moving a pile of rocks from one spot to another and then back again. This meaningless and purposeless existence would be an unbearable torture or as Dostoevsky wrote in Notes from a Dead House:
“It occurred to me once that if they wanted to crush, to annihilate a man totally, to punish him with the most terrible punishment, so that the most dreadful murderer would shudder at this punishment and be frightened of it beforehand, they would only need to give the labor a character of complete, total uselessness and meaninglessness. . . if he were forced, for instance, to pour water from one tub into another and from the other into the first, to grind sand, to carry a pile of dirt from one place to another and back again – I think the prisoner would . . . die rather than endure such humiliation, shame, and torment. To be sure, such a punishment would turn into torture, revenge, and would be meaningless, because it would achieve no reasonable purpose.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
Decades later, Dostoevsky’s thought experiment was put into practice in a Nazi concentration camp. The prisoners of this camp worked in a factory, but the factory was destroyed by a bombing campaign. Not wanting to give the prisoners a respite from hard labour, the prison officials forced them to perform the type of meaningless work which Dostoevsky had imagined. Eugene Heimler, a survivor of this concentration camp explained how the commander of the camp “ordered a few hundred of us to move sand from one end of the factory to another, and when we had completed this task we were ordered to move it back to the original place. At first we thought that our guards must have made a mistake, but it soon became clear they had not. From then on, day after day, week after week, we had to carry sand to and fro, until gradually people’s minds began to give way. Even those who had been working steadily in the factory before it was bombed were affected, for the work had some use and purpose, even if it was for the Germans, but in face of a completely meaningless task people started to lose their sanity. Some went berserk and tried to run away, only to be shot by the guards, others ran against the electrified wire fence and burnt themselves to death.” (Eugene Heimler, Mental Illness and Social Work)
Prison life also taught Dostoevsky that hope, in addition to meaning and purpose, is crucial to psychological health and integral in sustaining a man through hardship. Dostoevsky observed that prisoners who lacked any hope for a better future, struggled to survive the mental challenge of prison and if the capacity for hope was completely destroyed this was a sign that madness or death was not far off. For example, one of Dostoevsky’s fellow inmates lost all hope in the future and in this state of utter despair he attacked one of the men in charge of the prison, seeing a martyr’s end as better than a hopeless life.
“Having gone out of his mind, the Bible-reading prisoner. . .who attacked the major with a brick, was probably also one of those in despair, those whose last hope had abandoned them; and since it is impossible to live with no hope at all, he invented a way out for himself in a voluntary, almost artificial martyrdom. . . No living man lives without some sort of goal and striving towards it. Having lost both goal and hope, a man often turns into a monster from anguish.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky, Notes from a Dead House
The hardships that Dostoevsky endured between 1849 and 1854 also taught him important lessons about nervous disorders, of which Dostoevsky had suffered immensely for most of his life. For example, he was consumed by debilitating social anxiety, so much so that he once fainted upon being introduced to a beautiful woman at a party. Dostoevsky was also a hypochondriac. He had a neurotic fear that he would fall into a deep sleep, be mistaken for dead and buried alive. This fear was so intense that he left notes around his home to inform anyone who might find him dead to wait several days before burying him. He even went through a period where he was so panic stricken that he felt himself to be dying, or as he said in conversation with a friend:
“Two years before Siberia, at the time of my various literary difficulties and quarrels, I was the victim of some sort of strange and unbearably torturing nervous disorder. I cannot tell you what these hideous sensations were; but I remember them vividly; it often seemed to me that I was dying, and the truth is – real death came and then went away again.”
Conversation with Vsevolod Solovyev, Cited in Joseph Frank, Dostoevsky: The Years of Ordeal, 1850-1859
After emerging from prison, Dostoevsky was able to inform his brother that his five years of immense ordeal had cured him of his neurotic ways:
“If you believe there is still anything remaining in me of that nervousness, that apprehensiveness, that tendency to suspect that I had every conceivable illness, as in Petersburg, please change your mind, there is not a trace of that, as of many other things.”
Letter to Mikhail Dostoevsky, 1855, Cited in Joseph Frank, Dostoevsky: The Years of Ordeal, 1850-1859
Above all else what Dostoevsky’s arrest, time in solitary confinement, mock execution, and four-year prison sentence taught him is that a man is steeled by suffering. Comfort and ease are a recipe for weakness and mediocrity. While those who voluntarily, or forced by fate, do battle with adversity rid themselves of their petty weaknesses and ascend to a greater level of their potential. Without enduring his five years of personal hell Dostoevsky would have been incapable of writing the great works of fiction he is most famous for and would likely have remained a neurotic man and a writer who never lived up to his potential.
“Pain and suffering are always inevitable for a large intelligence and a deep heart. The really great men must, I think, have great sadness on earth.”
(GLOBE NEWSWIRE) Salinas, California – Lowell Farms Inc. a California-born cannabis company with advanced production capabilities including extraction, manufacturing, and distribution, announces the appointment of Philippe Faraut as Chief Financial Officer of the Company, effective immediately.
“We are excited to welcome Philippe as our new CFO,” said Mark Ainsworth, CEO of Lowell Farms Inc. “His extensive financial expertise and leadership across diverse industries make him the ideal addition to our team. Philippe’s proven ability to drive growth and innovation positions Lowell for an exciting new chapter as we continue to expand and elevate our presence in the cannabis industry.”
Philippe Faraut is a highly accomplished financial executive with a dynamic career spanning multiple industries. Most recently, he served as CFO of iAnthus, a leader in regulated cannabis operations. Prior to that, as CFO of Irwin Naturals, Philippe successfully led the company’s IPO and its expansion into the emerging psychedelic mental health care sector. His extensive background includes leadership roles as Managing Partner at Bastiat Partners, Chief Investment Officer at Knight Global, and senior positions at Merrill Lynch, The Sage Group, and Intrepid Investment Bankers. Philippe holds an MBA from UCLA Anderson and a Bachelor of Science from the Glion Institute of Higher Education.
Mr. Faraut steps into the CFO role, succeeding CEO Mark Ainsworth, who had been serving as Interim Chief Financial Officer.
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ABOUT LOWELL FARMS INC.
Lowell Farms Inc. is a California-based cannabis company with advanced production capabilities supporting the supply chain, including extraction, manufacturing, brand sales, marketing, and distribution. Lowell Farms has an exclusive portfolio of award-winning brands, including Lowell Herb Co, House Weed, Moon, Cypress Cannabis, and Original Pot Co. for licensed retailers statewide.
(GLOBE NEWSWIRE) Vancouver – Rubicon Organics Inc. a licensed producer focused on cultivating and selling organic certified and premium cannabis, is pleased to announce the promotion of Chief Commercial Officer to Chief Operating Officer.
Appointment of Chief Operating Officer
The Company is pleased to announce the promotion of Melanie Ramsey to COO effective January 1, 2025. This promotion reflects her exceptional leadership, dedication, and contributions to the growth and success of the Company. Since joining Rubicon Organics in 2018, Ms. Ramsey has been instrumental in building our premium house of brands and product innovation. She played a pivotal role in aligning commercial strategies with operational excellence, which has significantly enhanced the Company’s performance and competitive position as well as driving several of our strategic initiatives for growth.
In her new role as COO, Ms. Ramsey will oversee the Company’s day-to-day operations and continue to execute on its strategic growth initiatives, ensuring operational efficiency and scalability as the Company enters its next phase of development.
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Margaret Brodie, Chief Executive Officer of Rubicon Organics, stated: “We are thrilled to promote Melanie Ramsey to Chief Operating Officer. Over the past six years, she has demonstrated unwavering commitment and has been a driving force behind our commercial and operational success. Mel’s proven leadership and deep understanding of our business make her uniquely suited to transition to this critical role as we continue to grow and deliver value to our shareholders.”
Melanie Ramsey commented: “I am honored to take on this new role and grateful for the trust and support of our leadership team and Board. I look forward to building on the strong foundation we have established and leading our operations as we continue to execute our strategic priorities and achieve sustainable growth.”
About Melanie Ramsey
With over 25 years of global experience, Ms. Ramsey has held senior leadership roles at renowned companies, including Diageo, Beiersdorf, and now Rubicon Organics. She has driven success across commercial and operational functions, consistently delivering growth, operational excellence, and strategic transformation in diverse markets and industries worldwide.
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ABOUT RUBICON ORGANICS INC.
Rubicon Organics Inc. is the global brand leader in premium organic cannabis products. The Company is vertically integrated through its wholly owned subsidiary Rubicon Holdings Corp, a licensed producer. Rubicon Organics is focused on achieving industry leading profitability through its premium cannabis flower, product innovation and brand portfolio management, including three flagship brands: its super-premium brand Simply Bare™ Organic, its premium brand 1964 Supply Co.™, its cannabis wellness brand Wildflower™ in addition to the Company’s mainstream brand Homestead Cannabis Supply™.
The Company ensures the quality of its supply chain by cultivating, processing, branding and selling organic certified, sustainably produced, super-premium cannabis products from its state-of-the-art glass roofed facility located in Delta, BC, Canada.
The Good Shroom, a Canadian cannabis company, reported $691,382 in net revenue for the quarter ended October 31, 2024 (Q1 2025), but a net loss of $55,222.
This is a year-over-year decrease from the $1.3 million in net revenue and $92,586 in net profit in the company’s Q1 2024 report and $40,603 in net profit in the previous quarter (Q4 2024).
The Good Shroom Company (TGSC) recently reported net profits of $40,000 for 2024.
The company attributes its weaker performance in this most recent quarter primarily to Quebec’s biannual product call system, where it sells the majority of its products. It also recently returned $35,913 worth of cannabis products (plus the associated return fee) from the province of Alberta during Q1 2025. The Good Shroom also recently began selling products in PEI.
From the company’s press release: “This system means that one underperforming product call can result in weaker performance across two consecutive quarters. This was the case for TGSC, as the recent “rationalization” of offerings by the cannabis board of the province affected the entire market, including the Company.”
As a result of this rationalization, TGSC says it received a return of $29,622 plus associated fees and lost sales opportunities during late Q4, Q1 and early Q2. The company says this is the first time this outcome has occurred in its history and expects to rebound with the upcoming product call, beginning in late Q2 and continuing into Q3.
The company says the “significant setbacks” experienced this quarter “are not deeply pernicious.”
Of The Good Shroom’s $824,225 of revenue (before $132,843 in excise), $810,652 were from the sale of cannabis products, while $13,573 were wellness beverages (part of its mushroom business). $818,953 was sold in Canada, while $5,273 was sold in the US.
The company was first licensed as a micro processor in November 2019 before scaling up to a standard processing licence in October 2023. The Good Shroom recently released a THC-infused oral pouch under the Dyp brand in the Alberta market, and it expects to release it into the Ontario market in January 2025.
As at October 31, 2023, the Company had a working capital of $515,672.
New York marijuana cultivators and processors are pushing Governor Kathy Hochul to approve a measure that would simplify how they handle tax filings, switching the system to an annual basis.
Currently, businesses are required to pay a 9% marijuana excise tax on wholesale prices every quarter. The change would be a minor adjustment to existing regulations but one that could offer significant relief to those struggling in an already challenging market, according to Jaunty co-founder and CEO Nick Guarino.
Companies like Jaunty, alongside Ayrloom and Alliance, collaborated with Park Strategies to draft the measure, receiving support from Assemblywoman Donna Lupardo and State Senator Jeremy Cooney. The measure already passed through the state legislature.
The proposed annual tax structure is similar to the approach that has been successfully implemented in the craft alcohol industry, according to Aryloom president Mack Hueber. He maintained that it makes sense to use the same strategy for cannabis businesses if it is effective for craft beers.
According to Hueber, the current quarterly tax schedule creates unnecessary financial strain for cultivators, wholesalers, and processors who are required to submit their tax payments within 20 days after the quarter ends, yet retailers have 30 days to settle their invoices. This misalignment often forces businesses to pay taxes before they’ve received the revenue needed to cover the payments, leaving them vulnerable to late fees.
Hueber pointed out that this adjustment would give businesses the time to collect funds, making it easier to pay taxes without jeopardizing cash flow. Many cannabis businesses are already under significant financial pressure, and he believes fixing the tax payment timing is a logical and easy solution. Guarino added that shifting to annual payments would alleviate the struggle of meeting quarterly deadlines while juggling business expenses and outstanding invoices.
The push for tax reform comes after significant changes earlier in the year when the state replaced its potency-based tax with a flat 9% excise tax. Hueber described the previous tax structure, which calculated payments based on the THC content of products, as extremely complicated and burdensome.
While the shift to a flat tax was a step in the right direction, many businesses, including Jaunty, are still dealing with the consequences of past policies. Guarino shared that his company is on a state payment plan, paying $65,000 monthly to cover back taxes. When combined with current tax liabilities, Jaunty expects to owe approximately $400,000 this month alone. He contrasted the situation with personal income taxes, where the IRS provides longer repayment terms, noting that the excise tax system offers much less flexibility.
Beyond the tax reform bill, two other marijuana-related proposals are awaiting the governor’s decision. One aims to officially classify cannabis as an agricultural crop, while the other seeks to allow farmers to hold market-style events to increase sales. Both the tax legislation and the agricultural bill have gained attention from the governor’s office, raising hopes that action will soon be taken.
The challenge of unfavorable tax policies isn’t only affecting cannabis firms in New York State. Even established companies like SNDL Inc. (NASDAQ: SNDL) have to contend with tax systems that hamstring their potential for growth in many jurisdictions.
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This fall I appeared on a panel at the Grow Up Conference in Edmonton to discuss the state of the cannabis industry and offer some thoughts about its future. My assessment: with the exception of medical exports, which are growing rapidly, and perhaps cannabis health products finding new channels, Canada’s cannabis economy seems to have hit a wall.
Recreational markets have stagnated for some time, retail prices remain low while cannabis equities are still trading at a fraction of their peak values reached in early 2018. Since legalization, the Canadian Cannabis Survey has shown that recreational users of the legal product amount to a niche market, albeit at 20-25 per cent of the population a fairly large one. The domestic medical market remains small and continues to shrink. At 184,000 registered users in 2023, it’s 26 per cent smaller than in 2022. Retail coverage appears to be saturated while operating costs have risen sharply in major urban centres across Canada.
Walking about the conference I heard the familiar complaints about regulatory restrictions, high taxes and lax enforcement of illegal businesses but little about tapping new growth sources. Granted, 3 per cent overall annual growth to 2029 is forecast (Statista), but I wonder if that’s due to the surge in medical exports and provincial wholesale revenues.
So which way forward?
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One approach to consider is Blue Ocean Strategy, an analytical framework that has helped many businesses achieve high growth. In their landmark 2004 Harvard Business Review article, authors W. Chan Kim and Renée Mauborgne presented the framework as a new way to innovate by discovering new value for consumers. Their thesis is that the business universe is comprised of two spaces, one red and one blue. Red oceans host most existing businesses with readily defined boundaries, characteristics and rules. The game is competition for market share. As the market becomes increasingly crowded, products become commodified, supply outstrips demand and rampant competition begats bloody, red oceans.
On the other hand, blue oceans spring up from markets not yet in existence. As the authors state: “In blue oceans, demand is created rather than fought over.” This is done in two ways: either by creating a completely new industry, as with online auctions (eBay), or by changing the boundaries of existing industries, which is what Henry Ford did in introducing the Model T. The auto industry had existed since the late 1800s, but despite 500+ manufacturers it had few customers.Only the wealthy could afford motor carriages which required skilled craftsmen at least a month to build. Ford’s genius was to expand the boundaries of that industry by adapting the assembly line from the meat packing industry to offer vastly cheaper products that could be built in days. Assembly lines and unskilled workers assembled cars at much lower cost, using interchangeable parts. Ford also deduced that he could pay his workers higher wages so that they, along with the general public could now afford cars, thereby unlocking great value and creating a huge new market.
In classic blue ocean scenarios, markets ripe for value creation are characterized by oversupply, product commoditization, reduced brand distinctiveness, margin compression, price wars, regulatory complexity and shrinking profits. Does this sound familiar, cannabis colleagues?
What might a Blue Ocean Strategy look like in our industry?
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In my previous column I described how hemp beverages took U.S. cannabis businesses by surprise to achieve exponential growth. New value was tapped by identifying demand from different customers, using familiar distribution channels (supermarkets and liquor stores) where most people shop, bypassing dispensaries. Low-dose hemp sellers turned the prevailing logic of cannabis on its head to focus on low-potency products for users who prefer these to high-THC. Hemp businesses created distinctive brands that speak directly to the intended buyer. The product is manufactured from a widely supplied ingredient that can cross state boundaries and be readily made by contract producers. Gaps in the U.S. Farm Bill paved the way, but the success of this market is not just a regulatory artifact.
Are there other blue oceans hiding in plain sight? One possibility I’ve touted is bespoke cannabis based on the premium wine model. Devoted outdoor craft producers are already approaching this model. Aided by the expansion of farmgate in several provinces these cultivators are focused on terroir and regenerative agriculture, using living soil and natural pest control. Consistency is less important here than in CPG-oriented or medical cannabis, because seasonal variation can be leveraged and even celebrated as it is in winemaking. Energy costs are much lower than indoor and greenhouse growing, and there’s benefit to be gained from the moderate THC levels and more distinctive terpenes often associated with outdoor cultivation.
The idea is not to churn out high volumes of weed but to focus on quality to achieve greater margins. Unique terroirs and extensions into tourism could be used to build brands and attract new customers. Creating regional appellation schemes to map terroir and establish standards would differentiate products and provide options at different price points. This could also shift government’s perspective, from seeing cannabis as a harmful substance to be overmanaged, to welcoming it as a business with local support and a broader constituency.
A few factors are constraining the development of this business model: a lack of capital; a need for consumer education; marketing and branding that focuses on enlisting new customers as well as pitching to enthusiasts. There are regulatory gaps and hurdles. But Canada’s domestic wine industry had similar issues not long ago. The Vintners Quality Alliance (VQA) system was developed at the behest of winery owners who worked together to lobby politicians. Climate change and calls for a cannabis tourism strategy are aligning to create more favourable conditions for this model.
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These scenarios may not produce entirely competition-free blue oceans, but they do focus on creating new value and new markets. The obstacles are surmountable.
Denis Gertleris a regulatory consultant, board member and former government regulator.
The active components of hallucinogenic mushrooms, psilocybin and psilocin, are known to affect the brain in different ways. For instance, they influence serotonin receptors associated with neuroplasticity, cognitive processes, and mood regulation.
Prior research has demonstrated that psilocybin can increase the density of dendritic spines, stimulate genes associated with neuroplasticity, and improve synaptic plasticity.
Now a new study has found that psilocybin extracts may also have a hand in reversing memory deficits brought on by chronic stress. Already, prior studies have shown that chronic stress decreases levels of brain-derived neurotrophic factor in the hippocampus, a region crucial for learning and memory.
The objective of this latest study was to determine whether psilocybin extracts could mitigate these effects. For their study, the researchers used 140 male Wistar rats who were subjected to an unpredictable chronic mild stress protocol. This model helps replicate the long-term effects of stress in humans. It involves animals being exposed to various unpredictable but mild stressors over a certain period, causing physiological and behavioral changes as well as cognitive impairments.
The researchers begun by dividing the rats into groups based on whether they were exposed to chronic stress and if they received a placebo or psilocybin extract, with each group having 7 rats. For a 4-week period, the rats were exposed to stressors like water and food deprivation, heat stress and cold water, with the researchers testing the effects of the extract at different times.
The researchers discovered that rats exposed to stress demonstrated impairments in memory and spatial learning, which confirmed the cognitive deficits brought on by stress. The rats also had lower brain-derived neurotrophic factor levels in their hippocampus, which aligns to previous research.
In addition to this, they observed that when the psychedelic’s extract was administered under certain conditions, it repaired memory impairments and spatial learning and also increased levels of brain-derived neurotrophic factor, a protein necessary for brain plasticity.
While these findings are encouraging, there are limitations to consider. For starters, the study only used male rats, which raises the issue of whether similar effects would be observed in female rats.
The researchers also used psilocybin extract rather than purified psilocin or psilocybin. Additionally, the long-term consequences of the psychedelic’s administration are still unclear.
The researchers reported their findings in the Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, with the study’s author Dr. Salar Vaseghi, noting that psychedelics could be very dangerous and shouldn’t be openly accessible. Other researchers involved included Reza Ghaffarzadegan, Ali Razmi, Mokhtar Karimi, Samira Roustaei, Behnaz Hedayatjoo, Mahsa Mohammadi, Eghbal Jasemi, and Hamidreza Behnoud.
Psilocybin has been linked to many more therapeutic effects, and several startups like atai Life Sciences N.V. (NASDAQ: ATAI) are working to develop formulations leveraging those medicinal attributes.
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With an early federal election looking increasingly likely, there are several issues those in the cannabis industry should be keeping an eye on in the coming months.
Given the current and ongoing polling and national mood, this article is written with the assumption that the next government will be a Conservative one led by Pierre Poileivre.
If an election is called, it could mean changes to several ongoing issues the industry is focused on. Here are a few worth watching.
Regulatory changes
Health Canada delivered a large package of proposals and changed the federal cannabis rules and regulations in 2024, lowering fees and regulatory requirements and increasing the amount of cannabis that micros can grow and process. Since they were first proposed, the changes have been expected to come into force in early to mid-2025.
If an election is called at any point, these regulatory proposals will not immediately stop as they would if they were legislation (like a proposed bill), but this would mean that the work would be primarily paused until the end of the election. The new government could then choose to continue that work, pause it indefinitely, or even scrap it entirely.
If the new government is the Liberal Party of Canada, under the leadership of Trudeau or someone else, then such work will likely continue, and the final changes will be solidified and posted on Gazette II.
However, if the new government is, as expected, the Conservative Party of Canada under the leadership of Pierre Poilievre, then it is possible the work will be shelved, possibly indefinitely, or even scrapped entirely. The Conservatives would likely not lose much political capital in doing so and might even gain some capital among specific sectors of their base.
That said, it’s also possible that given the general red-tape-reduction and streamlining nature of the proposed changes, a new conservative government could still implement all or some of these proposed changes. However, it wouldn’t necessarily need to be given the same level of priority in terms of implementation as the Liberals would likely have given.
Excise stamps
The federal government also recently said it’s considering possibly moving from 13 separate cannabis excise stamps to one national one, something the industry has been asking for. The timeline for this consideration was next spring. Similar to the issues relating to the proposed regulatory package, a new government would not necessarily need to keep such a promise, and an election could, at best, slow down the process of investigating the issue.
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Conservatives and cannabis
The above issues relate to ongoing work the current government has done on the cannabis file. But what could a Conservative federal government mean for the cannabis industry and the associated Act and Regulations, in general?
This is a very broad question that deserves its own in-depth analysis, as there are many layers to consider, but here are a few high-level considerations:
The Conservatives have several known talking points related to the cannabis file that could signal the possible direction a new Conservative-led federal government might take.
Medical cannabis: The Conservatives have, in the past, tried to make significant changes to Canada’s medical cannabis access programs. Repeatedly forced to manage the medical cannabis file by the courts, in 2013, the Conservatives first tried to get rid of the ability for medical cannabis users entirely, with approval from a health care provider, to grow their own cannabis or to designate someone to do so on their behalf.
Their messaging since that time has not changed much, with a big focus from many conservative MPs over the years to highlight how this personal and designated producer system is, at times, abused for the purpose of diversion into the illicit market. So it’s not much of a stretch to assume they will continue this focus if they again hold the reigns of power in Ottawa.
Home Grow: Not only do Conservative party members have a track record of trying to get rid of medical home grow, but many in the party have long expressed concerns with people having the right to grow their own cannabis. This was one of the many aspects of cannabis legalization that the Conservative Party outright opposed on principle, with one famous Conservative MP suggesting that young kids would be getting high with their parents’ home grow, utilizing toaster ovens. Another Conservative MP compared homegrown cannabis to being able to make fentanyl at home (seriously).
It was a Conservative Senator, Vern White, who proposed an amendment to Bill C-45, the cannabis legalization bill, that would have removed the allowance to grow up to four plants at home. The amendment was defeated 40-33. Then another Conservative senator, Claude Carignan, proposed an amendment that would have only allowed indoor cultivation. That was also defeated, in a 40-31 vote.
Even after legalization, the Conservative’s Shadow Minister of Health at the time, Marilyn Gladu, told the Globe and Mail in 2019 that the party would seek to ban home grows and further restrict personal and designated medical grow licenses while supporting larger publicly traded licensed producers.
So it’s not a stretch to suggest this could also be within their sights.
A less diverse industry: The coming into force of the federal Cannabis Act and Cannabis Regulations represented a significant shift from the previous medical-only status quo. Not only did this mean more broad access to a regulated cannabis supply chain for adults in Canada, it also meant new production regulations that were much less one-size-fits-all than the previous Conservative government’s medical rules had established.
While legalization itself was built around the basic foundation of federally licensed producers first created by Health Canada under Harper’s watch (MMPR), broader cannabis legalization simplified certain aspects of those regulations and the application process and created new licence categories to allow for smaller and less capital-rich businesses to participate. No longer was there just one large “LP” licence that could cost tens of millions and take years to apply for. Some producers today, especially micros and nurseries, can make it through the licensing process in less than a year and, at times, well under a million dollars (some have even done it for under $100,000).
This process itself, though, isn’t easy. It requires a lot of time and resources to manage the number of licences and licence categories, not only during the application process but also once they are licensed. Staff must answer phone calls, respond to emails, and undertake inspections. Licensing hundreds of small micros is not cost-effective, and a new government seeking to cut red tape and bureaucracy could view such an approach as inefficient.
If you’re working at or invested in a big licensed producer, this could be a win for you. But if you’re a smaller business operating in or looking to operate in the cannabis space, this might mean longer wait times for service. If you think it’s bad now, imagine if there were, for example, 25% fewer employees to respond to your requests.
Now, it’s not necessarily all doom and gloom. There are arguments to be made for red tape reduction and streamlining of some of the more onerous aspects of the federal regulations. But given the Conservatives’ overall resistance to the cannabis file in general (remember, all but one Conservative voted against legalization itself), it’s unlikely to see this as a priority.
Excise tax
Conservatives hate taxes, right? Well, sort of. Yes, the Conservatives, especially Pierre, have spent much time railing about the excess taxes in Canada, especially the carbon tax. “Verb the Noun!” as the slogans go.
But does this translate to excise tax reform for the cannabis industry? It’s possible, but I wouldn’t hold my breath. Any changes to the federal excise rate for cannabis mean less money for the provinces, who bring home almost all of that money. That’s not something many federal leaders would see much benefit in doing, especially on a file that most voters don’t seem to care much about, if at all.
So, what will a Conservative government in Canada mean for the cannabis industry? At best, I would prepare for less federal support, not more, and a delay in any ongoing regulatory changes, such as harmonizing excise stamps or the massive regulatory package proposal shared in 2024.
At worst, the industry should prepare for a shrinking federal regulatory agency that will seek to streamline operations, which would likely mean a redefined focus on a few touchpoints (a handful of big companies, not tons of little ones). This could be good news for the handful of big pubcos on the producer side, but for the little guys, it might be about to get a lot harder.
That said, none of this is a foregone certainty. While much of the above is negative, there’s also the possibility that with the right advice a Poilievre’s government could approach this differently, unshackling cannabis from the over-regulation of the nanny state. Some past statements in regard to edibles potency limits, for example, show some potential openness to this approach.
Coming up with a game plan to take these factors into account would be wise and might be the difference between keeping the lights on in 2025 and beyond, or not. But we’re probably going to find out sooner than later.
In a world increasingly disillusioned with the overreach of state mechanisms, the philosophy of Agorism stands as a beacon of hope, championing the ideals of a market free from the suffocating grip of governmental control. Samuel Edward Konkin III, the progenitor of this radical ideology, proposed a society where individuals interact through voluntary exchanges devoid of coercion, where the state is seen not as a protector but as an aggressor against personal freedom. This article delves into the stark contrast between the oppressive nature of state interventions and the liberating potential of Agorism, particularly highlighted by the state’s current fascination with digital currencies such as Bitcoin and their own spawn, Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs).
Bitcoin, emerging as a defiant symbol of financial sovereignty, operates on a decentralized ledger that transcends global borders, eluding state control and its punitive tax regimes. It epitomizes the Agorist principle that true market operations require no state intervention. In stark contrast, CBDCs represent the state’s attempt to cloak its insidious control in the guise of modern financial innovation. By mimicking the technology behind cryptocurrencies, governments aim to seduce the public back into the fold of regulated financial systems, under the pretense of improved efficiency and security.
However, this maneuver is fundamentally flawed. The very essence of blockchain technology, upon which Bitcoin thrives, is its ability to operate beyond the reach of centralized control. The state, in its hubris, fails to recognize that its efforts to replicate this model within a framework of control are doomed to falter. As it grapples with implementing CBDCs, it inadvertently educates the public about the benefits of blockchain, simultaneously highlighting the inefficiencies and coercive nature of its own systems.
The push towards CBDCs and similar initiatives reveals a deeper, more systemic issue: the state’s pathological fear of losing economic control. This fear drives it to adopt half-measures that neither fully embrace the efficiency of decentralized technologies nor address the public’s growing distrust of governmental financial interventions. The result is a burgeoning curiosity and interest in Agorist principles among those who seek true economic freedom and privacy.
As we explore the state’s flawed attempts to mimic the free market and the consequent strengthening of Agorist principles, it becomes clear that these actions are not just ineffective but counterproductive. They serve as a catalyst, accelerating the expansion of the Agora—a marketplace where individuals freely exchange goods and services without the oppressive oversight of a coercive state. This exploration not only underscores the inevitable obsolescence of state-controlled economies but also heralds the rise of a new era where the market truly regulates itself, free from the clutches of governmental interference.
Agorism Explained: The Pure Free Market
Agorism, as envisioned by Samuel Edward Konkin III, is more than just a set of economic theories; it is a radical approach to living a life free from state coercion. At the heart of Agorism is the concept of the counter-economy—a network of markets and transactions that operate independently of state-sanctioned control. This includes everything from barter and local currencies to digital currencies and black markets. The underlying premise is simple yet profound: all exchanges that occur without government intervention are part of this counter-economy and thus contribute to the undermining of the state’s power.
Agorists argue that the state inherently operates through coercion, using its monopoly on violence to enforce taxes, regulations, and laws that stifle individual freedom and economic innovation. By participating in the counter-economy, individuals can weaken the state’s control over their lives, gradually expanding the scope of freedom and personal autonomy. This is not merely theoretical; it’s a practical strategy that has been embraced by many who find the state’s encroachments intolerable.
In a truly Agorist society, transactions are voluntary and mutually beneficial, reflecting the non-coercive spirit of free exchange. This philosophy extends beyond economics into all areas of social interaction, advocating for a society where individuals are free to live their lives as they see fit, without interference from any coercive external authority. Agorism thus challenges the very foundation of modern statehood, which is predicated on the assumption that some form of centralized control is necessary for society to function.
However, embracing Agorism is not without its challenges. The state views any attempt to circumvent its control as a direct threat to its existence. As a result, individuals who engage in the counter-economy often face significant risks, including legal repercussions. Despite these challenges, the growth of the counter-economy is a testament to the resilience and ingenuity of those who value freedom above the false security offered by state intervention.
The expansion of digital currencies like Bitcoin has given new momentum to the Agorist movement, demonstrating the viability of decentralized financial systems. As more people recognize the benefits of operating outside the state’s purview, the principles of Agorism gain more adherents, setting the stage for a profound transformation in how society understands and engages with the concept of the market. This shift is not merely economic; it is deeply political, reflecting a growing consensus that true freedom is found not under the shadow of the state, but in the light of voluntary, unregulated interaction.
State Folly: Mimicking Market Freedom
The state’s endeavors to emulate the free market can be observed in its recent forays into digital currencies and other market-like innovations. Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs) stand as the most blatant example of this mimicry, where governments worldwide are attempting to harness blockchain technology—not to foster freedom or privacy but to maintain and expand their fiscal surveillance and control. This paradoxical approach underscores a fundamental misunderstanding of the very essence of decentralized technologies, which were designed to operate independently of central authorities.
Apart from CBDCs, other forms of state mimicry include deregulation efforts that often come with hidden strings attached—regulations that are removed only to be replaced by other forms of control, or public-private partnerships where the state ostensibly reduces its role but continues to pull the strings behind the scenes. These actions are advertised as moves towards a more open and free market, yet they invariably retain mechanisms that ensure state oversight and intervention. The state cannot truly replicate the free market because its existence and sustenance rely on coercion and control, antithetical to the market’s voluntary nature.
Moreover, the state’s attempts to adopt market mechanisms often result in inefficient half-measures that neither satisfy the demand for true market interactions nor function with the efficiency of genuine free markets. These initiatives are typically riddled with bureaucracy and influenced by political agendas, leading to distorted markets that cannot adapt to consumer needs as fluidly as a free market would. The inefficiency of state-run pseudo-markets becomes glaringly apparent when compared to the dynamic nature of truly free markets, where innovation and customer satisfaction drive progress.
This inherent inefficiency in state attempts to mimic the market is not merely an economic problem; it is a source of growing frustration among the populace. As people become more educated about and experienced with the capabilities of technologies like blockchain, their tolerance for state inefficiencies and control diminishes. This growing discontent is fertile ground for the principles of Agorism, which offer a stark contrast through advocating for markets free from state meddling.
The irony of the state’s efforts is that each attempt to control or replicate the market only serves to highlight the superior efficiency and morality of Agorist principles. As the state stumbles in its attempts to wield new technologies for control, it inadvertently demonstrates the value of those technologies in circumventing state oversight. This revelation fuels the expansion of the counter-economy, as more individuals begin to see the practical benefits of engaging in market interactions outside the state’s purview.
Unintended Consequences: Empowering Agorism
The state’s misguided attempts to harness free market mechanisms through centralized technologies and half-hearted deregulations unwittingly serve as a powerful endorsement for Agorism. Each regulatory misstep and failed implementation of market mimics becomes a lesson in the inherent advantages of a truly free market, drawing sharp distinctions between the coercive nature of state interventions and the voluntary, efficient nature of Agorist practices.
CBDCs, intended to modernize the financial system under the guise of blockchain innovation, actually illustrate the dangers of centralized control. They highlight the privacy concerns and potential for government overreach inherent in such systems, prompting a section of the populace to explore and adopt more secure, decentralized alternatives like Bitcoin. This shift is gradually fostering a deeper appreciation for the principles of non-coercion and privacy, which are fundamental to Agorism.
Moreover, the inefficiency of state-engineered market solutions often leads to economic distortions, creating niches where the counter-economy can thrive. Entrepreneurs and consumers disillusioned with the state’s pseudo-market offerings find solace and opportunity in the counter-economy, where innovation is not stifled by red tape. Here, the market is not just an economic space but a form of protest and liberation from the state’s clutches, showcasing the practical applications of Agorist principles.
This inadvertent promotion of Agorism by the state does not stop at economic interactions. It extends into social and cultural realms where state failures underscore the benefits of community-driven solutions over centralized ones. From local food cooperatives to decentralized online platforms, examples of Agorist principles in action are proliferating, offering a compelling alternative to state-provided services and regulations.
The unintended consequence of the state’s attempts to mimic the market is a growing awareness and adoption of Agorism, not just as a theoretical alternative but as a practical solution to state failures. People are increasingly questioning the necessity of the state in their economic lives, a trend that could eventually lead to a broader societal shift towards the ideals of the Agora.
The Expansion of the Agora
As more individuals experience the benefits of the counter-economy and witness the failures of state interventions, the Agora begins to expand beyond its initial confines. This expansion is not just in terms of economic transactions but as a comprehensive cultural and social movement that embraces the principles of self-governance, voluntary cooperation, and mutual aid.
The growth of the Agora is marked by an increase in networks and communities that operate based on trust and reciprocal benefit rather than coercion. These networks are not limited to clandestine market activities but include a wide array of social endeavors from education and healthcare to mutual aid societies and neighborhood watch programs. The Agora becomes a tangible alternative to the state, offering real-world solutions that are both efficient and aligned with the moral principles of non-coercion and respect for individual autonomy.
Furthermore, the technological advancements that initially spurred the state to mimic the market—such as blockchain and decentralized platforms—become tools in the hands of Agorists. These technologies enable the Agora to operate more openly and efficiently, connecting individuals across the globe and allowing them to transact and cooperate without the need for state intervention. This global network of Agorists not only strengthens the counter-economy but also creates a robust infrastructure for a parallel society that can function independently of traditional state systems.
The expansion of the Agora is also facilitated by the growing disillusionment with political solutions. As the inefficacies and corruption inherent in political systems become more apparent, people turn to Agorism as a practical alternative that promises actual change through direct action rather than through the ballot box. This shift represents a profound change in societal attitudes towards governance, favoring decentralized action and individual empowerment over centralized authority and political representation.
As the Agora grows, it challenges the very legitimacy of the state by proving that a society can organize itself effectively without the need for a coercive governing body. This challenge is not just theoretical; it is evidenced by the success of Agorist principles in creating prosperous and cooperative communities that operate on the basis of voluntary interaction. The practical successes of the Agora serve as a powerful argument against the necessity of the state, suggesting that the state is not a fundamental aspect of human society but a historical anomaly that can be overcome.
The rise of the Agora also brings with it a cultural shift towards greater personal responsibility and a revaluation of freedom as a core societal value. As individuals take control of their economic and social lives, they develop a deeper appreciation for freedom—not just as an abstract concept, but as a tangible reality that impacts every aspect of their lives. This cultural shift is perhaps the most profound effect of the Agora, as it changes how people view their relationships with each other and with the broader community.
Conclusion
The state’s attempts to mimic the free market through initiatives like CBDCs and other regulatory reforms are not merely ineffective; they are counterproductive. These efforts inadvertently highlight the benefits of a truly free market as envisioned by Agorist philosophy, catalyzing the growth of the Agora and empowering individuals to seek alternatives to state control. As more people embrace the principles of Agorism, the Agora expands, offering a viable model for a society based on voluntary cooperation and mutual respect rather than coercion and control.
This expansion is not limited to economic transactions but encompasses a wide range of social and cultural interactions, creating a comprehensive alternative to the state that promises more than just economic efficiency—it promises a more free, just, and prosperous society. The inevitable conclusion is that the state, with its inherent coercion and inefficiency, is becoming increasingly obsolete. The future, as the Agora vividly demonstrates, belongs to those who value freedom, embrace responsibility, and reject the coercive apparatus of the state.
As this narrative unfolds, it becomes clear that the march towards freedom is not just a theoretical ideal but a practical reality. The growing evidence of successful Agorist practices challenges the traditional view of the state as an indispensable part of society. Instead, it reveals a world where individuals are capable of organizing themselves in ways that are more ethical, efficient, and conducive to human flourishing.
The rise of the Agora signifies a paradigm shift—a move away from hierarchical, coercive governance towards a society organized around principles of decentralization and voluntary association. This shift represents a fundamental change in the relationship between the individual and societal structures, emphasizing empowerment over submission and dialogue over decree. As the Agora expands, it brings with it the promise of a new era where freedom is not merely a granted right but a lived experience.
Moreover, the challenges that lie ahead for the Agora are not trivial. The state will not willingly cede control, and the transition towards a fully realized Agorist society will involve struggles both ideological and practical. However, the tools and technologies that facilitate this transition are already in place, and the momentum is building. Blockchain technology, decentralized platforms, and a growing global consciousness about the virtues of freedom and self-governance are paving the way for the Agora to flourish.
This movement is not isolated; it is part of a global awakening to the possibilities of a life free from state interference. From local communities embracing Agorist principles to international networks of trade and cooperation, the seeds of change are germinating in diverse soils. The success stories of these communities, where cooperation and freedom replace coercion and control, offer a blueprint for others to follow.
In conclusion, the state’s attempts to mimic the free market through controlled and half-hearted measures have inadvertently accelerated the societal shift towards Agorism. As more individuals and communities witness the efficacy and ethical superiority of the Agora, the appeal of Agorist principles becomes undeniable. The path forward is clear: a society where the free market is not an idealized concept but a practical reality, where the state becomes an obsolete remnant of a bygone era, and where individuals enjoy true freedom and prosperity. The Agora stands not just as a market but as a testament to what is possible when individuals come together in the spirit of voluntary cooperation and mutual respect. The future, bright with the promise of liberty, is in the hands of those who dare to live freely.
Free Market Militia is an Agorist transformed by the overreach of the COVID-19 measures. Now, he delves into the free market of ideas, empowering others with knowledge about their rights and liberties.
In this recording John Coleman highlights the cutting-edge research Apocatastasis Institute staff and series hosts are involved in; also, he covers the discouragement of boys in school, and the ponzi scheme which are private colleges in America.
“A proud product of public education, John Coleman received his undergraduate degree in history from Western Connecticut State University. Alas, that was to be the end of his flattering academic titles. Unwilling to once again become a debt slave to usurers, his graduate studies were scotched at the half-way point. John wasted over a decade of his professional life attempting to establish a high school for a community who took neither themselves nor their worldview seriously. Burned by these unseemly experiences, on Holy Saturday of 2013 Apocatastasis Institute was founded.“
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